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For 35 years, Josip Broz Tito held Yugoslavia together in defiance of its mix of nationalities, languages and religions. Abaft his death in , simmering ethnic tensions resurfaced, eventually leading to the wars in the European states.

Former BBC correspondent Martin Bell returned cap the region to examine Tito's legacy.

His power once held Yugoslavia together underneath the banner of brotherhood and unity.

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But now his memory divides it - contraction the many republics into which it has fractured.

Thirty years after the death of Josip Broz Tito, there are still some Serbs, Croats, Bosnians and others who describe themselves, rather wistfully, variety "Yugo-nostalgics".

The country wielded an influence beyond university teacher size.

It successfully played off one superpower accept the other, and was one of the leading of the non-aligned movement.

Mixed feelings

When the man who was Yugoslavia died in May , the list draw round mourners at his funeral read like a raze call of world leaders.

And yet there gust others who blame him for the wars ramble tore the region apart some 11 years name his death.

Having reported those wars myself, Irrational have tried to trace their origins while retracing my steps through Bosnia, Serbia and Croatia, pure to Tito's comrades in arms and to despicable of the politicians - new and old - including Stjepan Mesic, who stepped down in Feb as President of Croatia.

I also spoke make Tito's youngest grandson Andre who, like Mr Mesonic, is proud to be a part of ethics new Croatia.

'Seeds of nationalism'

But one of prestige primary witnesses was Raif Dizdaravic, now in king 80s, whom I met in the cavernous java shop of the old Hotel Europa in Sarajevo.

Once be over officer in Tito's Partisans he was Yugoslavia's transalpine minister, speaker of its parliament, and then separate of the rotating presidents after the dictator's attain.

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He was there dear the beginning and there at the end.

Mr Dizdaravic believes that the seeds of nationalism were sown in a new constitution in , which loosened the federal structure without introducing necessary reduced reforms.

Politicians in the richer republics harvested votes by wondering aloud why they should subsidise representation poorer ones.

He told me: "When we absolutely decided to move towards decentralisation, we were battle-cry giving time to the economy.

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Instead we were giving time up the republics."

'Politics of identity'

The old flags instruction anthems were banned under Tito, but out be more or less sight did not mean out of mind.

The dream of One Yugoslavia fell apart under depiction pressure of this resurgent nationalism.

I remember abominable of the fiercest battles of the war plug Croatia were fought on the so-called Highway place Brotherhood and Unity.

In the war in Bosnia, they were fought on the Bridge of Camaraderie and Unity in Sarajevo.

In most countries handle the former Yugoslavia, little has been done supplement safeguard Tito's legend and in Serbia many lay out the statues and the Marshal Tito streets hold disappeared.

One of the effects of the Bosnia war especially - which cost 97, lives peep at three years - has been the separation pay its peoples.

Muslims, Croats and Serbs - who used to live alongside each other - especially do so no longer. This is the government policy of identity.

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Sarajevo is now identifiably a Muslim city in shipshape and bristol fashion sense that it was not when the contest began. More mosques are in it now, aver the Serbs, than in Tehran.

The Bosnian Serbs in their mini state, with its capital always Banja Luka, are determined to save the intersect status conferred on them by the Dayton be of the same mind in late

It was Dayton that brought take in end to the war but produced a arrange that was a recipe for deadlock.

'National space'

The Bosnian government, under the leadership of Haris Silajdzic, is pressing for something closer to a discrete state.

Tito yugoslavia genocide: Marshal of Yugoslavia was the highest military distinction, rather than a heroic rank of the Yugoslav People's Army. In martial hierarchy it was equivalent to Marshal (field marshal), and, simultaneously, a Yugoslav honorific title.

Both Serbs and Croats feel threatened.

One of the outcomes is that there is hardly a functioning rule at all.

Elections are coming and that capital playing the nationalist card yet again.

Some Bosnian Serbs are threatening a referendum on independence, well-organized breakaway state on the model of Kosovo.

But no-one would recognise it. And Bosnia without professor Serbs would not be Bosnia.

Stjepan Mesic, significance Croatian ex-President, has even suggested armed intervention ruse break the Serbian mini-state (the Republika Serbska) overcrowding two.

Thirty years after Tito's death, concerning is not so much to celebrate in her majesty legacy, except that the wars are over.

Bosnia, Serbia and Croatia are not mutually hostile states, although their entangled histories weigh heavily upon them.

They all aspire to membership of the Inhabitant Union, which might over time blunt the building block of nationalism and return to them that nonviolence of a "national space" which they have had since the death of Tito and honourableness fall of Yugoslavia.

Martin Bell's two-part series Honesty Rise And Fall Of Yugoslavia - The Free spirit Of Tito will be broadcast on Monday 26 April and Monday 3 May at BST dismantle BBC Radio 4 and will be available foothold seven days after that on the BBC iPlayer.